Wednesday, October 2, 2013

Sexual trafficking in the UK.

Sexual trafficking in the UK.


I’d like to make clear that prostitution is slavery, particularly concerning youths, that are in fact breed in order to become this way exploited. You can even find rich guys bringing up ‘their’ children that way in order to reassure they own costumers, “do not worry we won’t do an officer of that one or we know what the boss is expecting in priority”.


I want to make very clear that prostitution is used not as a way of having sex, but as a way of destroying somebody. As a way of procuring oneself slaves for life in drugging them or inflicting psychological, mental, psychic, physical, trauma than no one can escape ever after.

Prostitution is a perpetual threat to the society, saying that you ll have it, if you don’t go down the lines.

Prostitution involved in general abuses to children in order to render them so in pain, and so incapable to trust anybody- for who apart them parents will talk to them?. A simple teacher in his career will meet score of pupils about whom he knows they encounter problem and sometimes sheer sexual abuses. they aren’t welcomed by their profession to talk about it. Very dangerous. Lose your seat. They aren’t even expected to give regular warnings against being sexually abused, letting children, thousands of them (thanks to social sciences stastistics we know that serious abuses during childhood range to astonishing 2, 3 women in 5, while other abuses less serious than outright and repeated sexual violence but mental and psychological or threat and attempt at non-consensual sex will concerned all of them.

Predators are awaiting the innocent child or the under informed or too sociable teens.

Predators or at least the ones that make an industry of it, will try to be parents, more surely will be.

Objective producing human beings so traumatised that they could stay their abusers’ dependent forever. Too traumatised to be welcomed by ‘normal’ people. Seemingly too aggressive or alert to suit the normal apathy and  psychological consensuality.

‘To kill somebody’

Not to ‘break somebody’ like the paedophile will say ‘amused by their relative freedom’  protected by the total taboo preserved up to the middle of the schools; but to ‘kill somebody’. It is done by ‘skilful’ persons that make their victims unwelcomed by the rest of the society, that molest their child when ‘they act normally, or cope well’, when they play, when they think, when they try and eat and they are hungry, when they are ‘too quiet’, when they feel they would like to speak with somebody’, when they feel the pain, when they try to stop it…

And who ‘give rewards’ against, in exchange of sex, scenario of affection, that are pretexts for sexual proximity, when the child or the adult will start’’ misbehaving’’ meaning here when they out of being taught display behaviour that make their aggressor out of danger of being found out. For example when they are insulting other people just like that, out of the blue, when they, the child or any other victims reject exterior help, or reject for example anybody that can or might sense that there is a serious or very grave problem going on, or whatever the scale of the abuses might be. To reject or bully anybody that could face and confront or report the abusers.


To be pedophile is against thousands of years of people assassinating and murdering each other to try to give to the next generation more than imposed by satan to angels hell on earth.

These paedophiles and sexual pests of any genres that are pretending to stand for stallions on top of that, and give themselves as example, being sometimes over smiling, cheerful, tactile, and joking all the way welcome by a laugh and charmed reaction by some, and politely ignored by the rest, but who cares about the little monkey they drag or visit at the end of the damned.


And dodging the others into believing that it is just like another industry (of more rotten tha death, that yes certainly)


Quoting and keeping trace of sources might be so time consuming that your renounce or prevent you to make the information, crucial, vital information circulate properly.

I have work for weeks on a post dedicated to human trafficking and sexual exploitation and the documents I worked on, several dozens of pages are troves of information more disgusting about state and organisations stances that one can never imagine. I am still struggling because though the docs are done by universities or charities or even the European parliament, revealing their data would cost me to breach their copyrights. Rewriting their documents in an appropriate way my entire year...


In one word- sexual trafficking is under the domain of quasi total 'laissez faire', see neglect and abandon of one’s assigned duties. It is less risky to traffic women than trafficking drugs. Resources as ridiculous as 2 computers for the UK is devoted to under age prostitution, and the data of and on these sorts went on and on.

 Ok sorry for the poor writing and editing skills of what follows: is not good enough but I have to stop postponing it being posted as it will be a while before I can really revising it.




-106th Congress. (oct.28, 2000) Victims of trafficking and violence protection act of 2000. Public Law 106–386 [internet]


- Bindel, J.  POPPY Project An Investigation into London’s Service Provision for Women Involved in the Commercial Sex Industry. [internet]


-Galiana, C. Trafficking in women. The European Parliament.


-Home Office. 2012 Human trafficking strategy. [internet] [last access 21-01-12]


- Jeffreys, S. (1997) the idea of prostitution. Spinifex press.


-Kelly. L, R, Wingfield, S, Burton and L, Regan. (1995 ) Splintered Lives: Sexual exploitation of children in the context of children's rights and child protection. Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit:

University of North London [internet] [last access 21-01-12]



Discuss the contradictions between immigration policy and human rights policies in aiming to protect victims of sexual trafficking in the UK.

Sexual trafficking and the responsibility that it involves within the U.K is sadly a subject that should be at anytime carried to the fore, due to the gravity of the offenses and astonishingly discretely more than present but increasing amount of crimes and bigger mafia corporations within the modern developed countries. Of course considered an attraction to many people in poor or very undemocratic countries; one will have to interrogate the government of richest, more secure and democratic countries that just prove their reluctance at assuming their responsibility to have human rights respected in ‘affording’, putting funds and truly efficient practises and policies aiming at the eradication of sexual trafficking. Instead of this, sexual trafficking is on the rise. The first paragraph will be remembering this issues to be global and human rights universal, the second will focus on how U.K institutions have reacted. The third part will reassert the principle of inalienability, politics of equality, and antonymic problem of double standards rights in case of non-citizenship.


Sexual trafficking clearly denotes an international phenomenon. “Human rights” them, are human and humane thanks to their having been proclaimed universal as a legitimate definition of rights appeals.  The fact that victims of sexual trafficking might well be abroad cannot be answered by making the ‘borders safer’ (Home Office, 2012) what is the prime and main focus of the home office strategies at reducing trafficking in the U.K, do not answer the question of ‘victims protection’ at large.

One of the main reasons for the control of migration is that huge economic inequalities entailing aggravated security threats are supported by controlling the borders, not just in view of securising peace, progress and prosperity but also as a means to keep exchanges and opportunities unequal and sources of deepening injustice. Better immigrations policies are often seen as pull-factors and are thus deemed and fated to stay the object of austerity.

The U.K thus will be under the ‘responsibility to protect’ and from this responsibility have to endeavour for the states and other actors to respect individual life (this term of responsibility to protect is concerning genocide in particular but there is no question about the fact that a gendered slavery of sexual nature will count as gendericide or infanticide- an attempt at undermining /destroying a person because or taking the pretext or the occasion (permitted by the overall status of them being targeted) of her being a woman or a child.

From the fact that one acknowledges a necessity to intervene when fundamental human rights are not observed will follow that whenever a state cannot help a population within the borders of another state enough, it will then will have to recognize the refugees, a status of asylum seeker (Galiana, 2000).  



Attesting of this universality and transnationality and of how a system of rights and networks of information and policies convergence are needed are U.N and European treaties such as 1949 UN Convention for the Suppression of the Trafficking in Persons and the exploitation of the prostitution of others. The very importance of reminding universality of rights is an indispensable component. Globalisation and transnational activities includes violations of same nature. One of the most tragic in the way fight against trafficking occurs is that the mafias orchestrating them are and are left to be significantly superiorly organised and powerful than the institutions supposed to stop human and sexual trafficking  (Galiana, 2012). The enunciation of this reality, of institution of justice conspicuously too weak to fight crimes, render in fact states and citizens accomplices.


Now we had reminded that within the U.K is a duty to protect other citizens of other countries, how efficiently the U.K is protecting the victims of trafficking inside its borders is at stake.

While human rights are designed for human, migration and borders issues will prevail on the debate on citizenship. As there is so huge gaps of living conditions between countries, two persons in the same countries will receive different treatment according their being or not citizens of that country. In the case of sexual trafficking, the victims might well be stigmatised by the very officials and condemned instead of being protected (Bindel, 2011) due to the fact they are not citizens.

Within a country, multiple organisations are at stake.

In the first place, to fight the mafia and therefore prevent mafias’ activities one will have to rely on the police. Yet again, this phenomenon cannot be tackled without a global and particularly and European approach matching the transnational features of the mafias involved. Despite the emergency and gravity that this plague represents, an irrelevant amount of information are exchanged in between polices or via Interpol and home offices of the European countries (Galiana, 2000).  Additionally in the U.K the means devoted to fight within the borders are insignificant (Galiana, 2000), (Bindel, 2011). Furthermore the home office will focus their strategies on the permeability of their borders, limiting the subjects to migration, worrying the population about the potentiality of ‘a pull factor’ effect , when the government should start looking properly after the victims. The subject is approached without tackling the problem of sexual abuses perpetrated but focusing on the presence of immigrant persons (Bindel, 2011). As much as being inhumane and inconsiderate to the survivors of these crimes, and the society as a whole more and more exposed to growing crimes organisations and general applied depravity, the ‘pull factor’ effect  relies on a falsification. Yet again instead of tackling the crimes, all the discourses are aiming at the victims. Now there would be no ‘pull factor’ and no more sexual trafficking if the criminals in charge of procuring and all other illegal actions involved would be sentenced and charged with penalties proportional to their deeds (Bindel, 2011). In relation to this situation of unofficial endorsement of trafficking, there is not solvable judiciary system in which women can be protected as a witness and from there finally become the often sole means for the rings leaders and members to be judged. On top of having been institutionally raped and more, once they manage to meet people able to get them out of the ring, they will have to face a police that do not take their ordeals and statements into account. Instead they will take the highest risks declaring what happened to them, to see a justice system completely irresponsive to mafia industry (Jeffreys, 1997). If not given the status of refugee or asylum seeker then women would be send to more retaliation in countries were mafias are powerful enough to enslave them again (Galiana, 2000).

Another discussion will lodge on whether detention of women is enforced or not. Women detained by mafia in view of fleeing their coutries of origins where their choices of opportunities of earning a living are severely limited. When there is no proof of these women being locked up well the matter will be seen as secondary, just like if one could tolerated brothels made up by often lured but always intensively suffering women afraid of everything that could be the subject of changes, rhyming most often and probable with escalation of dangers under control in these conditions directly life threatening intending keeping women (Jeffreys, 1997). Proof of this ‘static conspiracy’ backing of sexual slavery or quasi slavery, always including profound torture for the body and mind, and for the all tissue of social morality, is the way women are left being abused in big and numerous places and brothels (logically know by the police forces) (Jeffreys, 1997). The fact that women victims forced or ‘garrisoned’ by those gangs might face being criminalised and punished for being or having become illegal migrants, in fact something incredibly worrying, and serves as law and well certainly as an standing image for the all ‘justice system and mentality’. If these examples were not sufficient, another rule of the land this colloboration can convey: if one compares the penalties inflict when someone is found being guilty of drugs trafficking, prison sentences might be of several years, over 5 years. If one is found guilty of human trafficking and especially of sexual exploitation, penalties will be of less importance, more than this, penalties will be often inexistent. It may be very lucrative to be a procurer in the U.K and even more when one will steal money from the ‘trade’ to leave women victims of prostitution completely destitute (Galiana, 2000). Even if recognised as having participated in sexual trafficking the penalties inflicted are ridiculously low, when existent at all. In that kind of condition there is no need to insist providing evidence- it is the clear frame in which all other institutions will have to proceed: a quasi-total impunity for sexual trafficking in the judiciary system in the U.K (Bindel, 2011).

The social institutions, will suffer the same fate than police in general, no information, no promotion about gangs or elaboration of inter-agencies aiming at stopping the trade and helping women. For voluntary organisation. An aberration of the u.k system is that the entire country (center and final target of migrants exploitation and transit) is relying on one single project,  the only project specialised in sexual exploitation victims. By comparison the other systems (non specialists) put into places are too flawed and incompetent to respond to the sufferings and other issues (tackling, exit strategy) (Bindel, 2011)

All too pessimistically the relative inertie of the states’ cooperation or of the united kingdom in particular can be explained simply by the facts that such ‘acts of slavery and debasement’ is ‘generating huge profits’ (Jeffreys, 1997), (Galiana, 2000).

The fact that prostitution is harmful for the individual and the societal aims and means should automatically disqualify it as being a professional activity. In the U.K even though prostitution is not legalised, it is tolerated. Taking the position of prostitution being insignificant matters, going as far as saying that it could be a benevolent factors, sexual trafficking is in fact treated as being no more than human trafficking, with no prison penalty as lightly as simple declared work.




The international and national laws and policies in place are reflecting the point of view and should go along the effects that social practises, morals, and laissez-faire have on individuals.

This international trafficking profit states. In satisfying punters demands instead of improving employment universality, and security or instead of infusing a culture where people relation are based on well being, freedom, and self esteem, in involving or giving the opportunities for the population to have a diversity of activities benefiting others (like in Marxism theories, and at least not depending on the dependency and ownership of means of production and exclusivity and enforcement as for the nature of the production and therefore the means of earning a wage).

The fact that perpetrators are not charged, that punters are desresponsibilised will institute what will be seen and said as being a legitimate market were relationship between people will be wrought as fundamentally relying on, depending on falsified notion of work, detrimental interactions, pure vicious and abusive exploitation entailing an impoverishment of the persons’ life as for it forges mindset and network of life going round the continuous and institutionalised violiations of dignity.

Here even immigrants laws will be better to follow for the well being of all and every than some of ‘human rights’ policies or principles. When introducing migration laws texts will guarantee the observation of human rights. Migration home office documents will reminds to all the necessary, the obligation of every one to treat people with dignity own to any human being and its rights and aspirations (to a family life, to security, to education, to have wages and work opportunities ensuring healthy living conditions) (Home Office, 2012). In other quarters some will use concepts as ‘feminism, sexual liberation (that certainly would not need to be paying coercion under the form of commerce if it had coherently occurred) individual liberties, sexual minorities, freedom of enterprise, in order to diminish reforms towards prostitution eradication or towards policies or practises tolerating or even enhancing them.

One of the adjacent discussions is to know about whether sexual exploitation is happening with the consent of the victims or is actually enforced or the fruits of indirect or direct coercion. Some women are duped into thinking they migrate for nanny, catering or other type of jobs advertised in their countries, even if they are bona fide locked up, put into some sort of debt bondage, intimidated by any means, whose belongings, earnings and papers are destroyed or detained. Adults or young children that might have been severely beaten, suffering from multiple, daily and continuous physical, mental, psychological, sexual abuses (Kelly, 1995 ), whose knowledge of the law and language of the countries of arrivals is quasi null, females that might have suffered all sort of horrors and betrays before even being trafficked (Kelly, 1995 ). One of the fundamental pillars of human rights are their being inalienable; it precisely means that when people are being or let take part in activities breaching rights (for example agreeing to slavery or torture) one cannot possibly invoke consent. One never can consent to one’s own destruction or of ‘being possessed’. Inalienability of right therefore means that brothels owners, punters or whoever participating to the terrifying act of trafficking and sex trafficking never should be judged as simply conveying people or as taking on people working illegally but judges as committed acts of sexual and physical degradation that implies that people enduring the ordeals even if they theorically could flee are in fact by some sort of consequences of posterior or present tragedy in such deteriorated mental, intellectual, psychological state that they cannot be exercising anymore the ‘skills, strength, knowledge, experience, assistance or consciousness’ that it may take to avoid been maltreated’.

Equally a very fundamental question of an enlarged definition of trafficking is in fact of the domain of the more ‘private sphere’ and yet still less supervising body of law. Brides trafficking, ’mail-order

brides’,  ‘matrimonial agencies’ or forced marriage, (Galiana, 2012) comes hand in hand with the conspicuous absence of law and mechanisms protecting, from domestic abuses, females married to immigrants men (Thiar, 2010).  It is interesting to note that sexual trafficking may take the form of marriage.


Mafias are mainly left unmatched. Need for prostitution alternatives and secure employment, harmonisation of criminal law at national, European and international level, and real political will and applied efficient policies are needed. Prostitution in the debates is an essential component, are 80 % of prostitutes are immigrants women in Europe (now coming from the East Europe mainly).

From the states to the individuals or groups of individuals, women and children let be the preys of organisations such as ones hosted by richer countries and by most powerful ‘customers’. Here like in the case of prostitutes considered necessary to sustain patriarchalism, women and children (involved in pornography or young girls on whom the consequences of being the victims of such crimes – not victims of an isolated acts but of organisations perpetrating gross fundamental human rights violations such as torture, sequestration, and in my opinion any sexual abuses all the more when targeting people economically or otherwise vulnerable, in an industrial manner or contending this person to have to endorse repeated, organised, intentional, orchestred, lasting in time abuse. The victims are the poorer and more vulnerable people (youth, previous history of personal issues, poverty). At the opposite of random acts, such organisations depends on such structures, that from the punters who pay and prowl to the society actually accepting such suffering to happen through the police not having to intervene as further more the immigrant women would suffer from being treated as a criminal because of their having not paper, treated as a non citizens deprived of human right of being protected of such mafia or anyone who abuse who are profiteerin g from an absence of justice and legislation. Amasingly enough so highly organised and intended crimes are left almost unpunished.




-106th Congress. (oct.28, 2000) Victims of trafficking and violence protection act of 2000. Public Law 106–386 [internet]


- Bindel, J.  POPPY Project An Investigation into London’s Service Provision for Women Involved in the Commercial Sex Industry. [internet]


-Galiana, C. Trafficking in women. The European Parliament.


-Home Office. 2012 Human trafficking strategy. [internet] [last access 21-01-12]


- Jeffreys, S. (1997) the idea of prostitution. Spinifex press.


-Kelly. L, R, Wingfield, S, Burton and L, Regan. (1995 ) Splintered Lives: Sexual exploitation of children in the context of children's rights and child protection. Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit:

University of North London [internet] [last access 21-01-12]


-Thiar, R and A, Gill. (2010) Violence against women in south Asian communities: issues for policy and practice.  London and Philadelphia: Jessica Kingsley publishers.


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